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REMARKS 



OF 



MR, CALHOUN, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 



ON THE 



RECEPTION OF ABOLITION PETITIONS, 



DELIVERED IN 

THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



February 1837. 



I WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED BY WILLIAM W. MOORE fc CO. 
1837 






REMARKS OF MR. CALHOUN, 



ON THE 



^ 



RECEPTION OF ABOLITION PETIT! O 



In Senate United States, February, 1837. 

If the time of the Senate permitted, I would feel it to be i 
call for the reading of the mass of petitions on the table, iii order that we 
might know what language they hold towards the slave-holding Stales and 
their institutions; but as it will not, I have selected, indiscriminately from 
the pile, two: one from those in manuscript, and the other fi le prinu 

and without knowing their contents will call for the read 
that we may judge, by them, of the character of the whole. 
(Here the Secretary, on the call of Mr.' Calhoun, read th- 
Such, resumed Mr. C, is the language held towards us and otirs$ th< 
culiar institutions of the South, that on the maintenance of h the very 

existence of the slave holding States depends, is pronounced U and 

odious, in the sight of God and man; and this with a syst .. ;u oi 

rendering us hateful in the eyes of the world, with a view * a gent ral cru- 
sade against us and our institutions. This too, in the legisla' ive halls of the 
Union; created by these confederated States, for the better protection of 
their peace, their safety and their respective institutions; and } ct we, 
representatives of twelve of these sovereign States against whom I dly 

war is waged, are expected to sit here in silence, hearing ourselves and our 
constituents day after day denounced, without uttering a w —if we but 
open our lips, the charge of agitation is resounded on all s are 

held up as seeking to aggravate the evil which we resist. : nr; 

mind must see in all this, a state of things deeply and dangerously diseased. 
I do not belong, said Mr. C, to the school which holds that aggression 
is to be met by concession. Mine is the opposite creed, which teaches 
that encroachments must be met at the beginning, and that those who act on 
the opposite principle are prepared to become slaves. In this case in par- 
ticular I hold concession or compromise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, 
i oncession would follow concession — compromise would follow compromise, 
until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be im- 
possible. We must meet the enemy on the frontier, with a fixed determi- 
nation of maintaining our position at every hazard. Consent to receive 
these insulting petition?, and the next demand will be that they be referred 



to a committee in order that they may be deliberated and acted upon. At 
the last session we were modestly asked to receive them simply to lay them 
on the table, without any view of ulterior action. I then told the Senator 
from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buchanan) who strongly urged that course in the 
Senate^ that it was a position that could not be maintained; as the argument 
in favor of acting on the petitions if we were bound to receive, could not 
be resisted. I then said that the next step would he to refer the petition to 
a committee, and I already see indications that such is now the intention. 
If we yield, that will be followed by another, and we would thus proceed 
step by step to the final consummation of the object of these petitions. We 
are now told 'hat the most effectual mode of arresting the progress of Abo- 
lition is to reason it down, and with this view it is urged that the petitions 
ought to be referred to a committee. That is the very ground which was 
taken at the last session in the other house, but instead of arresting its pro- 
gress it has since advanced more rapidly than ever. The most unquestion- 
able right may be rtndered doubtful, if once admitted to be a subject of 
controversy, and that would be the case in the present insiance. The sub- 
ject is beyond the jurisdiction of Congress— they have no right to touch it 
in any shape or form, or to make it the subject of deliberation or discussion. 

In opposition to this view it is urged that Congress is bound by the 
Constitution to receive petitions in every case and on every subject, whether 
within its constitutional competency or not. I hold the doctrine to be absurd,, 
and do solemnly believe, that it would be as easy to prove that it has the 
right to abolish slavery, as that it is bound to receive petitions for that pur- 
pose. The very existence of the rule that requires a question to be put on 
the reception of petitions, is conclusive to show, that there is no such obli- 
gation. It has been a standing rule from the commencemei.t of the Govern- 
ment and clearly shows the sense of those who formed the Constitution on 
this point. The question on the reception would be absurd, if as is contended 
we are bound to receive; but I do not intend to argue the question; I dis- 
cussed it fullv at the last session, and the arguments then advanced neither 
have nor can be answered. 

As widely as this incendiary spirit has spread, it has not yet infected this 
body or the great mass of the intelligent and business portion of the North; 
but "unless it be speedily stopped, it will spread and work upwards till it 
brings the two great sections of the Union into deadly conflict. This is not 
a new impression with me. Several years since, in a discussion with one 
of the Senators from Massachusetts, (Mr Websteb,) before this fell spirit 
had showed itself, I then predicted that the doctrine of the pro cl amat io n 
and the force bill, — that this Government had a right in the last resort to 
determine the extent of its own powers, and enforce it at the point of the 
bayonet, which was so warmly maintained by that Senator, would at uo 
distant day arouse the dormant spirit of abolitionism; I told him that the 
doctrine was tantamount to the assumption of unlimited power on the part 
of the Government, and that such would be the impression on the public 
mind in a laro-e portion of the Union. Th. consequence would be inevita- 
ble a ] ar ge portion of the .Northern St:-:cs believed slavery to be a sin, 

and would believe it to be an obligation of conscience to abolish it, if they 
should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance, and 
that his doctrine would necessarily Jeati to die belief of such responsibility. 
1 then predicted that it would commence a< it has with this fanatical por- 
tion of society, and that they would begin their operation on the ignorant, 



the weak, the yo ing, and the thoughtless, an 1 would grad nils 7 extend up- 
wards till thev would hecomc strong enough to obtain political control, 
when he and other* holding the highest stations in society, would, however 
reluctant, be compelled to yield to their doctrine, or be. driven into obscu- 
rity. But four years have since elapsed, and all this is already in a course of 
regular fulfilment. 

Standing at the point of time at which vjje hare now arrived, it will not be 
more difficult to trace the course ot future events now than it was then. 
Those who imagine that the snirit now obroid in the North, will die away 
of itself without a .shout or convulsion, have formed a very inadequate con- 
ception of its real character; it will continue to risa and spread, unless 
prompt and efficient measures, to stay its progress, be adopted. Alreidy it 
has taken possession of the pulpit, of thj schjols, and to a considerable ex- 
tent of the press; those great instruments by which the mind of the rising 
generation will be formed. 

However sound the great body of the non slave holding States are at 
present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who 
will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one half 
of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever en- 
tertained towards another. It is easy to see the end. By the necessary 
course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two peo- 
ple. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between 
the two great sections, if the present causes are permitted to operate un- 
checked, that we should continue under the same political system. The 
confiicling elements would burst the Union asunder as powerful as are the 
links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot co-exist. As the 
friend of the Union I openly proclaim it, and the sooner it is known the 
better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be be- 
yond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South 
will not, can not surrender our institutions. To maintain theexisting relations 
between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensa- 
ble to the peace and happiness of both. It cannot be subverted without 
drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. 
Be it good or bad, it has grown up with our society and institutions, and is 
so interwoven with them, that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a peo- 
ple. But let me not be understood as admitting even by implication that 
the existing relations between the two races in the slave-holding States is 
an evil, — far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself 
to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit 
of abolition. I appeal to facts. Never before has the black race of Central 
Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so 
civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually. 
It came among us in a low, degraded, and savage condition, and in the 
course of a few generations it has grown up under the fostering care of our 
institutions, as reviled as they have been, to its present comparative civilized 
condition. This, with the rapid increase of numbers, is conclusive proof of 
the general happiness of the race in spite of all the exaggerated tales to the 
contrary. 

In the mean time, the white or European race has not degenerated. — It 
has kept pace with its lirelhrcn in other sections of the Union where slavery 
does not exist. — It is odious to make comparison; but I appeal to all sides 
whether the South is not equal in virtue, intelligence, patriotism, courage, 



iisinterestedness, and all the high qualities which adorn our nature. — I ask 
whether we have not contributed our full share of talents and political wis- 
dom in forming; and sustaining this political fabric: and whether we have 
not constantlyinclined most strongly to the side of liberty, and been the 
first to see and first to resist the encroachments of power. In one thing only 
are we inferior, — the arts of gain; we acknowledge that we are less wealthy 
ban the Northern section of this Union, but I trace this mainly to the fiscal 
ction of this Government, which has extracted much from, and spent little 
among us. Had it been the reverse, if the exaction bad been from the 
other section, and the expenditure with us, ibis point of superiority would 
not be against us now as it was not at the formation of this Government. 

But 1 take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, 
where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other 
physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation 
now existing in the slave-holding States between the two, is, instead of an 
evil, a good — a positive good. I feel myself called upon to speak freely 
upon the subject where the honor and interests of those I represent are in- 
volved, /i bold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civil- 
ized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, 
live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is 
fully borne out by history. This is not the proper occasion, but if it were, 
it would not be difficult to trace the various devices by which the wealth 
of all civilized communities has been so unequally divided, and to show by 
what means so small a share has been allotted to those by whose labor it 
was produced, and so large a share given to the non-producing class. The 
devices are almost innumerable, from the brute force and gross superstition 
of ancient times, to the subtle and artful fiscal contrivances of modern. 
I might well challenge a comparison between them and the more direct, 
simple, and patriarchal mode by which the labcr of the African race is 
among us commanded by the European. I may say with truth, that in few 
countries so much is left to the share of the laborer, and so little exacted from 
him, or where there is more kind attention to him in sickness or infirmities 
of age. Compare his condition with the tenants of the poor houses in the 
most civilized portions of Europe — look at the sick, and the old and infirm 
slave, on one hand, in the midst of his iamily and friends, under the kind 
superintending care of his master and mistress, ami compare it with the for- 
lorn and wretched condition of the pauper in the poor house. A$ut I will 
not dwell on this aspect cf the question; I turn to the political;*and here I 
fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the 
South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most 
solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political insti- 
tutions. It is useless to disguise the fact. There is and always has been 
in an advanced stage of wealth and civilization, a conflict between labor and 
capital. The condition of society in the South exempts us from the disorders 
and dangers resulting from this conflict; and which explains why it is that 
the political condition of the slave-holding States has beensomuch more stable 
and quiet than th< se of the North. The advantages of the former in this respect 
will become more and more manifest if left undisturbed by interference from 
without, as the country advances in wealth and numbers. We have in fact 
but just entered that condition of society where the strength and durability 
of our political institutions are to be tested; and I venture nothing in predict- 
ng that the experience of the next generation will fully test how vastly 



/ 



more favorable our condition of society is to that of other sections for free 
and stable institutions, provided we are not disturbed by the interference of 
others, or shall have sufficient intelligence and spirit to resist pror.-iptly and 
successfully such interference. It rests with ourselves to meet and repel 
them. I look not for aid to this Government, or to the other States; not 
but there are kind feelings towards us on the part of the great body of the 
non slave-holding States; but as kind as their feelings may be, we may 
rest assured that no political party in those States will risk their ascen- 
dancy for our safety. If we do not defend ourselves none will defend us; 
if we yield we will be more and more pressed as we recede; and if we sub- 
mit we will be trampled under foot. Be assured that emancipation itself 
would not satisfy these fanatics, — that gained, the next step would be to raise 
the negroes to a social and political equality with the whites; and that being 
effected, we would soon find the present condition of the two races reversed. 
They axwl, their northern allies would be the masters, and we the slaves; the 
condition of the white race in the British West India Islands, as bad as it is, 
would be happiness to ours; — there the mother country is interested in sus- 
taining the supremacy of the European race. It is true that the authority 
of the former master is destroyed, but the African will there, still be a slave, 
not to individuals but to the community, — forced to labor, not by the author- 
ity of the overseer, but by the bayonet of the soldiery and the rod of the 
civil magistrate. 

Surrounded as the slave-holding States are with such imminent perils, I 
rejoice to think that our means of defence are ample, if we shall prove to 
have the intelligence and spirit to see and apply them before it is too late. 
All we want is concert, to lay aside all party differences, and unite with zeal 
and energy in repelling approaching dangers. ^Let there be concert of action, 
and we shall find ample means of security without resorting to secession or 
disunion. 1 speak with full knowledge and a thorough examination of the 
subject, and for one see my way clearly. One thing alarms me — the eager 
pursuit of gain which overspreads the land, and which absorbs every faculty 
of the mind and every feeling of the heart. Of all passions avarice is the 
most blind and compromising — the last to see and the first to yield to dan- 
ger. I dare not hope that any thing I can say will arouse the South to a due 
sense of danger; I fear it is beyond the power of mortal voice to awaken it 
in time from the fatal security into which it has fallen. 



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